By Roger Godement
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Masculinity, class, space, and time Connell (1995) has shown that modern societies contain a variety of forms of masculinity that are ordered hierarchically. What he terms hegemonic, subordinate, complicit and marginal masculinities (Connell 1995) differ in terms of their relationships with the femininities and social classes of a given society. Pyke (1996) argues that class is the form of power that effectively locks the different types of masculinities into dominant or subordinate positions: the ascendant masculinity of higher-class men and the subordinate masculinity associated with lower-class men are constructed in relation to one another in a class-based gender system.
The meaning and significance of ethnic and race relations in the region also changed. With a reduction in rates of immigration from Europe in the 1950s and 1960s and the fact that the children of earlier waves of immigrants were educated in English, the ethnic divisions within the working class became less important. Where once ethnic networks and boundaries played significant roles in determining where one might work and live, and who one might marry, by the 1970s there was a growing sense of ‘white’ identity structured in relationship to the rapidly growing aboriginal population (Stymeist 1975; The logic and limitations of male working-class culture in a resource hinterland 33 Dunk 2003).
In this new world of work, care of the customer, empathy, with both clients and co-workers, and a scripted embodied performance emphasizing, in different contexts, clothes, weight, and cleanliness, as well as humility and deference, or at least respect of others’ wishes and demands, are essential employment attributes. These shifts have both challenged the automatic privileges of masculinity and have required new forms of masculine presentation and performance in attaining and retaining employment in a more uncertain world where the old notion of employment for life by a single employer, at least for the majority of men, has disappeared.